buksan mo ang iyong isipan.
ang arogansya ang siyang lumulunod sa iyo.
arogansiya din ang papatay sa iyo.
mamulat at magmulat.
:)
serve the people!
Thursday, October 23, 2008
Sunday, October 19, 2008
global Forum on migration and development
GLOBAL FORUM ON MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT (GFMD)
A.) Ano ang GFMD?
Ang GFMD, o Global Forum on Migartion and Devalopment, ay isang impormal at taunang pagtitipon ng mga member-states ng United Nations para pag-usapan ang migrasyon bilang isang “kasangkapan” tungo sa kaunlaran. Subalit hindi lamang ang mga gobyerno ang kalahok dito. Kasama rin dito ang mga institusyong pampinansya sa daigdig tulad ng World Bank at Citibank, malalaking korporasyon sa remittance tulad ng Western Union, mga pribadong organisasyon, pati na mga labor recruitment agencies.
Ang unang GFMD ay ginanap sa Brussels, Belgium noong Hulyo 2007, at sa Pilipinas ang ikalawa sa darating na Oktubre 29-30 sa PICC (Philippine International Convention Center).
B.) Bakit sa Pilipinas idadaos ang ikalawang GFMD?
Malaking pabor ito sa rehimeng Arroyo na ginagawang poster girl o modelo ng GFMD. Itinuturing na huwaran ang Pilipinas sa pag-eeksport ng lakas paggawa sa buong mundo. Pansinin ang mga sumusunod:
Pumapangalawa ang Pilipinas, sunod sa Mexico, sa laki ng manggagawang lumalabas kumpara sa dami ng populasyon ng isang bansa. May 10-milyong Pilipino (mga 15% ng populasyon ng Pilipinas) ang nakakalat sa 197 bansa. Pinakamalaki ang konsentrsyon (4.5 milyon) sa U.S. at Cnada, at sumusunod dito ang nasa Middle East, Italy at Asia-Pacific. Noong 1975 higit 36,000 pa lamang ang lumuluwas na manggagawa kumpara sa higit isang milyon na nitong 2007.
Kung sa remittance naman, pang-apat ang Pilipinas, sunod sa China, Mexico, at India, sa pinkamalaking humahamig ng remittance. Noong 2007, umabot sa $17 bilyon ang remittance kumpara sa $103 milyon pa lamang noong 1975, isang taon matapos magsimula ang labor export program ni Marcos.
Pambihirang pagkakataon din ang GFMD para mamayagpag ang rehiming Arroyo, at maparami at mapalawak pa ang palenkeng pagbibentahan sa mga Pilipino. Layon nitong umabot sa 2 milyon mula sa 1 milyon bawat taon ang mapalabas simula 2010. paparami na rin ang kababaihang lumalabas kaysa kalalakihan.
Higit sa lahat, masugid na tagasunod ang rehimeng Arroyo ng mga “neo-liberal” na patakaran sa pinansya na itinatakda ng IMF-World Bank. Mas malaki na ang pakinabang ngayon sa paglako ng tao kaysa produkto. Ay sa disenyo, paniyak ang remittance na (a) makakabayad ang mga estadong baon-sa-utang sa malalaking banko. (b) para masuhayan ang gumigiray na ekonomya ng mga bansang talamak sa krisis tulad ng Pilipinas
C.) Kasangkapan nga ba ang migrasyon tungo sa kaunlaran?
Hindi. Simula 1974 ay malawakan at tuluy-tuloy na ang pag-eeksport ng Pilipinas ng lakas paggawa. Milyon nang mamamayan ang nasa labas ng bansa. Bilyong dolyar na rin ang dumarating na remittance. Pero hanggang ngayon bagsak pa rin ang ekonomiya ng Pilipinas. Sabi nga, kung ang hangganan lang ng Pilipinas ay lupa at hindi tubig, baka wala nang natirang tao sa bansa.
Gobyerno, malalaking banko at negosyo ang nakikinabang sa remittance ng mga megrante. Sila ang umuunlad, hindi ang bayan o ang mga mamamayan nito. Dahil para sa kalakhaan ng mga migrante at kanilang pamilya ang remittance ay pantawid o pampatighaw-gutom lamang. Mistulang salbabida ito sa maunos na dagat, at wala pang katiyakan kung ang taong inililigtas ay aabot sa pampang. Ang karaniwang remittance na $200-$300 isang buwan ay napupunta sa kunsumo lamang: pagkain, edukasyon, gamot, bahay, serbisyo, atbp. bumababa pa ang tunay na halaga nito dahil sa VAT at sa pagsirit ng presyo ng mga bilihin.
Ang sabihin pang kaya ng mga migrante na mamuhunan para a isang maliit na negosyo ay ilusyon na lamang. Kung meron man, sa tindi ng krisis at korupsyon sa bansa, sandali lang at tunaw na ang anumang kita o puhunan nila.
D.) Paano nakikinabang ang mga gobyerno sa malawakang migrasyon?
Malaki ang pampulitika at pang-ekonomiyang pakinabang ng mga gobyerno dito tulad ng rehimeng arroyo.
Una, napapatagal ng mga tiwali at tutang rehimen ang kanilang paghahari sa pag-eeksport ng malaking seksyon ng naghihirap o walang hanap buhay sa labas ng bansa. Napipigilan ang pagputok ng malawakang pag-aalsa o pagrerebolusyon ng mamamayan dahil sa gutom. Habang may kinukonsumo pa ang mga pamilya, panatag ang loob ng mga bulok na rehimen.
Ikalawa, nagagamit ang mga remittance ng migrante para mapalaki ang dollar reserves o foreign exchange earnings ng bansa. Ginagamit itong pampuno sa mga bayarin ng estado, laluna sa pambayad-utang ($54.9 bilyon) ng Pilipinas sa mga dayuhang bangko, at sa mga depisit sa kalakalan. Ngunit liban dito, dahil malaki ang garatiyang dollar reserves ($36.6 bilyon na nitong mayo 2008 sa Pilipinas), muli at muling nakakapangutang ang rehimen. Muli at muli ring lumalala ang korupsyon sa bansa.
Ikatlo, malaki ang kinikita ng rehimen sa mga buwis at bayarin na ipinapataw sa mga migrante. Hindi pa man nakakalabas ng bansa, kumikita na ang estado sa mga migrante, mula sa passport, medical, NBI, birth certificate, mayor’s certificate, barangay certificate, OWWA membership, Philhealth, trainings, artist’s book, at marami pang iba. Bawat remittance ng migrante ay sinisingil pa ng documentary stamp tax (DST). Ayon sa Courage, noon pang 2003 ay kumikita na ang gobyerno ng P13 bilyon taun-taon mula sa mga charges and fees ng OFWs.
Pero higit syempre ang pakinabang sa remittance. Sabi na rin ng mga eksperto, tatlong araw lang na hindi magpadala ng remittance ang mga migrante ay guguho na ang ekonomiya ng pilipinas. Kayat gayon minamahalaga ng World Bank at mga kliyenteng estado ang paksang remittance sa loob ng GFMD.
Malaki ang pampulitika at pang-ekonomiyang pakinabang ng mga gobyerno dito tulad ng rehimeng arroyo.
Una, napapatagal ng mga tiwali at tutang rehimen ang kanilang paghahari sa pag-eeksport ng malaking seksyon ng naghihirap o walang hanap buhay sa labas ng bansa. Napipigilan ang pagputok ng malawakang pag-aalsa o pagrerebolusyon ng mamamayan dahil sa gutom. Habang may kinukonsumo pa ang mga pamilya, panatag ang loob ng mga bulok na rehimen.
Ikalawa, nagagamit ang mga remittance ng migrante para mapalaki ang dollar reserves o foreign exchange earnings ng bansa. Ginagamit itong pampuno sa mga bayarin ng estado, laluna sa pambayad-utang ($54.9 bilyon) ng Pilipinas sa mga dayuhang bangko, at sa mga depisit sa kalakalan. Ngunit liban dito, dahil malaki ang garatiyang dollar reserves ($36.6 bilyon na nitong mayo 2008 sa Pilipinas), muli at muling nakakapangutang ang rehimen. Muli at muli ring lumalala ang korupsyon sa bansa.
Ikatlo, malaki ang kinikita ng rehimen sa mga buwis at bayarin na ipinapataw sa mga migrante. Hindi pa man nakakalabas ng bansa, kumikita na ang estado sa mga migrante, mula sa passport, medical, NBI, birth certificate, mayor’s certificate, barangay certificate, OWWA membership, Philhealth, trainings, artist’s book, at marami pang iba. Bawat remittance ng migrante ay sinisingil pa ng documentary stamp tax (DST). Ayon sa Courage, noon pang 2003 ay kumikita na ang gobyerno ng P13 bilyon taun-taon mula sa mga charges and fees ng OFWs.
Pero higit syempre ang pakinabang sa remittance. Sabi na rin ng mga eksperto, tatlong araw lang na hindi magpadala ng remittance ang mga migrante ay guguho na ang ekonomiya ng pilipinas. Kayat gayon minamahalaga ng World Bank at mga kliyenteng estado ang paksang remittance sa loob ng GFMD.
E.) Paano nakikinabang ang malalaking bangko at negosyo?
Sa kalagayang nagbabagsakan ang mga industriya at kalakal sa daigdig dahil sa krisis na dulot ng globalisasyong “neoliberal”, mas lumalaki ang iniaasa sa pangangalakal ng tao kaysa produkto para pagkakitaan. Sa Pilipinas na lamang, ang pag-eeksport ng manggagawa ang numero unong kalakal ng bansa, at nalampasan na nito ang eksport ng electronics, garments, at iba pang semi-manufacturers.
Desperado na ang mga imperyalistang banko at korporasyon na magkonsentra ng mas malaking pinansya o kapital para iligtas o palaguin ang mga negosyo nito kasabay na tustusan ang “giyera laban sa terrismo”. Desperado na rin silang makabayad ang mga kliyenteng estadong baon-sa-utang, at kung hindi’y nanganganib na bumagsak ang sestimang pinansyal sa daigdig.
Dito nagmumula ang interes ng malalaking bangko at korporasyon sa malawakang migrasyon, o sa maikling salita, sa remittance at kita ng mga migranteng manggagawa. Idinidiin ng mga kapitalista sa GFMD ang pagsisinnop ng sistema ng remittance, ang “mahuhusay na kalakaran” sa paggamit nito, ang pagpapalakas ng mga insentiba, at mga serbisyo para ma-engganyo ang mga nagreremit tulad ng mas mababang bank charges, micro-insurance, micro-pension, at pamumuhunan. Nais nilang paunlarin ang palengke ng migrasyon at maayos ang paghahati ng pakinabang sa remittance.
Sabi nga ng Asian Development Bank sa isang pag-aaral nito noong 2004, nagpupugad na ang mga Philippine at foreign-based banks sa mga lugar na may konsentrasyon ng mga Pilipino sa daigdig. Liban dito, kumikita sa remittance ang mga money transfer agencies tulad ng Western Union, telecomunications tulad ng Globe at Smart, interest-based services, ATM transactions, at credit card payments. Noong taon ding iyon ay tinatayang 70% na ng mga migrante at pamilya ang may cellphones na umaabot sa 160 million messages sa isang araw. Lalo pa siguro ngayon.
At hindi pa binabanggit dito ang matapat na pagbabayad ng buwis ng mga migranteng manggagawa sa mga bansangpinagtatrabahuan nila, sila man ay mga doktor o nars sa Amerika, contruction workers sa Middle East, caregivers a Hong Kong o Italy, o piloto ng mga jetliners o marino ng mga barko.
Sa kalagayang nagbabagsakan ang mga industriya at kalakal sa daigdig dahil sa krisis na dulot ng globalisasyong “neoliberal”, mas lumalaki ang iniaasa sa pangangalakal ng tao kaysa produkto para pagkakitaan. Sa Pilipinas na lamang, ang pag-eeksport ng manggagawa ang numero unong kalakal ng bansa, at nalampasan na nito ang eksport ng electronics, garments, at iba pang semi-manufacturers.
Desperado na ang mga imperyalistang banko at korporasyon na magkonsentra ng mas malaking pinansya o kapital para iligtas o palaguin ang mga negosyo nito kasabay na tustusan ang “giyera laban sa terrismo”. Desperado na rin silang makabayad ang mga kliyenteng estadong baon-sa-utang, at kung hindi’y nanganganib na bumagsak ang sestimang pinansyal sa daigdig.
Dito nagmumula ang interes ng malalaking bangko at korporasyon sa malawakang migrasyon, o sa maikling salita, sa remittance at kita ng mga migranteng manggagawa. Idinidiin ng mga kapitalista sa GFMD ang pagsisinnop ng sistema ng remittance, ang “mahuhusay na kalakaran” sa paggamit nito, ang pagpapalakas ng mga insentiba, at mga serbisyo para ma-engganyo ang mga nagreremit tulad ng mas mababang bank charges, micro-insurance, micro-pension, at pamumuhunan. Nais nilang paunlarin ang palengke ng migrasyon at maayos ang paghahati ng pakinabang sa remittance.
Sabi nga ng Asian Development Bank sa isang pag-aaral nito noong 2004, nagpupugad na ang mga Philippine at foreign-based banks sa mga lugar na may konsentrasyon ng mga Pilipino sa daigdig. Liban dito, kumikita sa remittance ang mga money transfer agencies tulad ng Western Union, telecomunications tulad ng Globe at Smart, interest-based services, ATM transactions, at credit card payments. Noong taon ding iyon ay tinatayang 70% na ng mga migrante at pamilya ang may cellphones na umaabot sa 160 million messages sa isang araw. Lalo pa siguro ngayon.
At hindi pa binabanggit dito ang matapat na pagbabayad ng buwis ng mga migranteng manggagawa sa mga bansangpinagtatrabahuan nila, sila man ay mga doktor o nars sa Amerika, contruction workers sa Middle East, caregivers a Hong Kong o Italy, o piloto ng mga jetliners o marino ng mga barko.
F.) Kaya bang proteksyunan ng GFMD ang mga migranteng manggagawa?
Sa ikalawang GFMD, bibigyan diumano ng “makataong mukha ang migrasyon” at pag-uusapan ang “ligtas at legal na migrasyon para mas malaking kaunlaran”. Ipagsasanggalang diumano ang mga karapatang pantao ng mga migrante. Totoo kaya ito?
Una, ang balangkas ng GFMD at ang namamayani dito ay ang mga “neoliberal” na patakaran ng World Bank at OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). Mahigpit ang imperyalistang kontrol sa GFMD. Ang mga patakaran nito sa liberalisasyon, deregulasyon, at pribatisasyon ng mga pambansang ekonomiya ay lalong nagpapababa sa sahod ng mga manggagawa at umaalipusta sa kanila bilang tao. Ang krisis sa mundo ay isinisisi pa nga sa mataas na sahod daw ng mga manggagawa. Kaya sapul laluna ang mga migranteng manggagawa sa tinatawag na pleksibleng paggawa – pagpapababa ng sahod, pagpapaigsi ng mga kontrata, pagtanggal sa seguridad sa trabaho, kontraktwalisasyon, at iba pa.
Ikalawa, ang paglalako ng malawakang migrasyon ay katumbas ng komodipikasyon ng mga migrante. Hindi na sila tao kundi kalakal na pinagtutubuan, at kung gayon ay tinatanggalan ng dangal. Mula sa pagrirekrut pa lang hanggang sa makarating sa ibang bayan kakambal na nila ang paglabag sa kanilang mga karapatan: illegal rekrutment, sex trafficking, paglabag sa kontrata, pang-aaglahi, pambubugbog, pag-aresto, pagkulong, karahasan, kamatayan. Kahit sandamukal ang mga pandaigdigang deklarasyon at mga batas para sa proteksyon ng mga migrante, wala itong saysay para sa nakararami. Adorno na lamang ito o pakitang-tao.
Ikatlo, may espesyal na pansin na binibigay ang ikalawang GFMD sa di-dokumentadong manggagawa. Nais ng GFMD na gawing “ligtas at legal” ang migrasyon. Hindi pa dahil sda awa sa mga manggagawang biktima ng masahol at malawakang crackdown. Kundi para makopo pa ang kanilang mga remittance at makinabang ang mga bangko at institusyong pampinansya sa mga ito. Tinataya ng ADB na 30% pa ng mga remittance ang dumadaan sa mga informal channel tulad ng mga padala sa mga kakilala o kamag-anak, kaya hindi napapatawan ng buwis at charges.
Sa ikalawang GFMD, bibigyan diumano ng “makataong mukha ang migrasyon” at pag-uusapan ang “ligtas at legal na migrasyon para mas malaking kaunlaran”. Ipagsasanggalang diumano ang mga karapatang pantao ng mga migrante. Totoo kaya ito?
Una, ang balangkas ng GFMD at ang namamayani dito ay ang mga “neoliberal” na patakaran ng World Bank at OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). Mahigpit ang imperyalistang kontrol sa GFMD. Ang mga patakaran nito sa liberalisasyon, deregulasyon, at pribatisasyon ng mga pambansang ekonomiya ay lalong nagpapababa sa sahod ng mga manggagawa at umaalipusta sa kanila bilang tao. Ang krisis sa mundo ay isinisisi pa nga sa mataas na sahod daw ng mga manggagawa. Kaya sapul laluna ang mga migranteng manggagawa sa tinatawag na pleksibleng paggawa – pagpapababa ng sahod, pagpapaigsi ng mga kontrata, pagtanggal sa seguridad sa trabaho, kontraktwalisasyon, at iba pa.
Ikalawa, ang paglalako ng malawakang migrasyon ay katumbas ng komodipikasyon ng mga migrante. Hindi na sila tao kundi kalakal na pinagtutubuan, at kung gayon ay tinatanggalan ng dangal. Mula sa pagrirekrut pa lang hanggang sa makarating sa ibang bayan kakambal na nila ang paglabag sa kanilang mga karapatan: illegal rekrutment, sex trafficking, paglabag sa kontrata, pang-aaglahi, pambubugbog, pag-aresto, pagkulong, karahasan, kamatayan. Kahit sandamukal ang mga pandaigdigang deklarasyon at mga batas para sa proteksyon ng mga migrante, wala itong saysay para sa nakararami. Adorno na lamang ito o pakitang-tao.
Ikatlo, may espesyal na pansin na binibigay ang ikalawang GFMD sa di-dokumentadong manggagawa. Nais ng GFMD na gawing “ligtas at legal” ang migrasyon. Hindi pa dahil sda awa sa mga manggagawang biktima ng masahol at malawakang crackdown. Kundi para makopo pa ang kanilang mga remittance at makinabang ang mga bangko at institusyong pampinansya sa mga ito. Tinataya ng ADB na 30% pa ng mga remittance ang dumadaan sa mga informal channel tulad ng mga padala sa mga kakilala o kamag-anak, kaya hindi napapatawan ng buwis at charges.
G.) Ano ang dapat gawin ng mga migranteng mangagawa at kanilang mga pamilya kaugnay ng GFMD?
Hindi sa GFMD maririnig ang tunay na boses ng mga migrante kundi sa International Assembly of Migrants and Refuges (IAMR) na idaraos katapat ng GFMD. Dadaluhan ang IAMR ng mga kinatawan ng mga grupong migrante mula mula sa iba’t ibang lahi at mula sa iba’t ibang panig ng mundo. Pangungunahan ang asembleyang ito ng International Migrants Alliance (IMA), na kinabibilangan ng Migrante International at higit 100 pang organisasyon.
Sa tantya ng UN Populasyon Division may 205 milyong migante na ang nakakalat sa iba’tibang rehiyon ng daigdig at nagreremit ng $226 trilyon. Sa kabila nito bagaman sila ang pinapaksa sa GFMD wala silang papel dito. Ang World Bank, ang mga imperyalistang ahensya at korporasyon sa pangunguna ng US, at ang mga kliyenteng estado ang nagsasalita para sa kanila. Malalantad din ang pagpapanggap na ito, laluna’t sa IAMR ay naroon ang mga tunay na migrante at nagsasalita para sa kanilang sarili.
Masasaksihan sa IAMR ang malawak na pagkakaisa ng mga migrante sa buong daigdig laban sa imperyalismo. Kalakip ang mga kilos protesta, mariin ang panawagan ng mga migrante na ilantad at labanan ang imperyalistang kontrol sa GFMD at ang patakaran sa pag-eeksport ng lakas paggawa.
Sa bahagi ng Migrante International, hindi makaliligtas ang rehimeng arroyo sa pagiging masugid na tuta ng imperyalismo. Mananagot ito sa lalong paglubha ng kalagayan ng mga migranteng Pilipino at sukdulang pagtataguyod nito ng LEP (Labor Export Program). Hindi lamang dapat ibasura ang LEP kundi ang rehimeng Arroyo.
Kasabay nito haharapin at sasalagin ng mga migrante ang mga panibagong atake sa mga karapatan at kagalingan nila na niluluto sa loob ng GFMD. Hindi lamang ito laban ng mga kasalukuyang migrante kundi ng mga susunod na henerasyon ng migranteng Pilipino mula sa iba’t ibang sektor ng lipunan: manggagawa, magsasaka, kababaihan, propesyunal, kawani, kabataan, maralitang lungsod, pambansang minorya, atbp. kasama at kaisa sila sa labang ito, partikular sa mga kilos protesta na yayanig sa GFMD mula sa Pilipinas hanggang sa iba’t ibang panig ng mundo. Pinakatampok sa mga protestang ito ang “Zero Remittance Day” sa Oktobre 29, na itataon sa pagbubukas ng GFMD.
Iguguhit ng mga protestang ito ang mensahe na hindi tumatalab sa mga migrante ng buong mundo ang panlilinlang ng imperyalismo at ng mga kliyenteng estado nito tulad ng rehimeng Arroyo.
Hindi sa GFMD maririnig ang tunay na boses ng mga migrante kundi sa International Assembly of Migrants and Refuges (IAMR) na idaraos katapat ng GFMD. Dadaluhan ang IAMR ng mga kinatawan ng mga grupong migrante mula mula sa iba’t ibang lahi at mula sa iba’t ibang panig ng mundo. Pangungunahan ang asembleyang ito ng International Migrants Alliance (IMA), na kinabibilangan ng Migrante International at higit 100 pang organisasyon.
Sa tantya ng UN Populasyon Division may 205 milyong migante na ang nakakalat sa iba’tibang rehiyon ng daigdig at nagreremit ng $226 trilyon. Sa kabila nito bagaman sila ang pinapaksa sa GFMD wala silang papel dito. Ang World Bank, ang mga imperyalistang ahensya at korporasyon sa pangunguna ng US, at ang mga kliyenteng estado ang nagsasalita para sa kanila. Malalantad din ang pagpapanggap na ito, laluna’t sa IAMR ay naroon ang mga tunay na migrante at nagsasalita para sa kanilang sarili.
Masasaksihan sa IAMR ang malawak na pagkakaisa ng mga migrante sa buong daigdig laban sa imperyalismo. Kalakip ang mga kilos protesta, mariin ang panawagan ng mga migrante na ilantad at labanan ang imperyalistang kontrol sa GFMD at ang patakaran sa pag-eeksport ng lakas paggawa.
Sa bahagi ng Migrante International, hindi makaliligtas ang rehimeng arroyo sa pagiging masugid na tuta ng imperyalismo. Mananagot ito sa lalong paglubha ng kalagayan ng mga migranteng Pilipino at sukdulang pagtataguyod nito ng LEP (Labor Export Program). Hindi lamang dapat ibasura ang LEP kundi ang rehimeng Arroyo.
Kasabay nito haharapin at sasalagin ng mga migrante ang mga panibagong atake sa mga karapatan at kagalingan nila na niluluto sa loob ng GFMD. Hindi lamang ito laban ng mga kasalukuyang migrante kundi ng mga susunod na henerasyon ng migranteng Pilipino mula sa iba’t ibang sektor ng lipunan: manggagawa, magsasaka, kababaihan, propesyunal, kawani, kabataan, maralitang lungsod, pambansang minorya, atbp. kasama at kaisa sila sa labang ito, partikular sa mga kilos protesta na yayanig sa GFMD mula sa Pilipinas hanggang sa iba’t ibang panig ng mundo. Pinakatampok sa mga protestang ito ang “Zero Remittance Day” sa Oktobre 29, na itataon sa pagbubukas ng GFMD.
Iguguhit ng mga protestang ito ang mensahe na hindi tumatalab sa mga migrante ng buong mundo ang panlilinlang ng imperyalismo at ng mga kliyenteng estado nito tulad ng rehimeng Arroyo.
Sanggunian:
Enhancing the efficiency of OFW Remittances, Asian Development Bank, 2004
“Pahayag ng ILPS sa Global Forum on Migration and Development”, Prof. Sison
“Preparing to work abroad: Filipino migrants experiences prior to deployment”, http//www.smc.org.ph/preparework/index.htm
“The Philippine’s culture of migration”, Maruja M.B Asis, http://www.migrationinformation.org/profiles/display.cfm?ID=364
“Value of OFWs is not in $12-B annual remittances”, Willy Arcilla, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 14 Jan 2008
“OFWs bring home $8 B in 1st half 2008”, Philippine Daily inquirer, 18 Aug ‘08
“Philippine dollar reserves up by nearly half year on year”, Maricel E. Burgonio, Manila Times, 7 June 2008
“ Philippine foreign debt continues to rise in 2007” Manila Times, 1 april 2008
_____________________________________________________________________
International Assembly of Migrants and Refugees
Manila, Philippines
28-30 October 2008
This is a collaborative efforts of
the International Migrants Alliance (IMA) and Migrante International
with the cooperation and support of
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM),
Ibon Foundation, Bayan-Philippines,
Asia-Pacific Forum on Women in Law and Development - Task Force on Labor and Migration (APWLD-TFLM)
and CARAM Asia. _________________________________________________________________“GMA said I care, Is this the care she was talking about:I care, with the migrants having 29 victims in death row;I care, with the migrants having more than ten thousand stranded OFWs;I care, with the migrants having 23 mysterious deaths;I care, with the migrants having so many charges from their remittances”-Connie Bragas-Regalado, Migrante Chairperson-_________________________________________________________________GFMD = Global Forum on Modern Day slavery
YOUR VISION OF DEVELOPMENT IS OUR SLAVERY!
THE YOUTH IS NOT FOR EXPORT, OUR FUTURE IS NOT FOR SALE!
SUMAMA SA PAGKILOS NG KABATAAN LABAN SA GFMD SA OKTUBRE 27!SUMAMA SA PAGKILOS NG MAMAMAYAN LABAN SA PAGKAKALAKAL SA MGA MIGRANTE SA OKTUBRE 29! PANAWAGAN SA LAHAT NG MIGRANTENG PILIPINO SA BUONG MUNDO, ZERO REMITTANCE DAY SA OKTUBRE 29!
Enhancing the efficiency of OFW Remittances, Asian Development Bank, 2004
“Pahayag ng ILPS sa Global Forum on Migration and Development”, Prof. Sison
“Preparing to work abroad: Filipino migrants experiences prior to deployment”, http//www.smc.org.ph/preparework/index.htm
“The Philippine’s culture of migration”, Maruja M.B Asis, http://www.migrationinformation.org/profiles/display.cfm?ID=364
“Value of OFWs is not in $12-B annual remittances”, Willy Arcilla, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 14 Jan 2008
“OFWs bring home $8 B in 1st half 2008”, Philippine Daily inquirer, 18 Aug ‘08
“Philippine dollar reserves up by nearly half year on year”, Maricel E. Burgonio, Manila Times, 7 June 2008
“ Philippine foreign debt continues to rise in 2007” Manila Times, 1 april 2008
_____________________________________________________________________
International Assembly of Migrants and Refugees
Manila, Philippines
28-30 October 2008
This is a collaborative efforts of
the International Migrants Alliance (IMA) and Migrante International
with the cooperation and support of
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM),
Ibon Foundation, Bayan-Philippines,
Asia-Pacific Forum on Women in Law and Development - Task Force on Labor and Migration (APWLD-TFLM)
and CARAM Asia. _________________________________________________________________“GMA said I care, Is this the care she was talking about:I care, with the migrants having 29 victims in death row;I care, with the migrants having more than ten thousand stranded OFWs;I care, with the migrants having 23 mysterious deaths;I care, with the migrants having so many charges from their remittances”-Connie Bragas-Regalado, Migrante Chairperson-_________________________________________________________________GFMD = Global Forum on Modern Day slavery
YOUR VISION OF DEVELOPMENT IS OUR SLAVERY!
THE YOUTH IS NOT FOR EXPORT, OUR FUTURE IS NOT FOR SALE!
SUMAMA SA PAGKILOS NG KABATAAN LABAN SA GFMD SA OKTUBRE 27!SUMAMA SA PAGKILOS NG MAMAMAYAN LABAN SA PAGKAKALAKAL SA MGA MIGRANTE SA OKTUBRE 29! PANAWAGAN SA LAHAT NG MIGRANTENG PILIPINO SA BUONG MUNDO, ZERO REMITTANCE DAY SA OKTUBRE 29!
a critical view of the global forum on migration and development
GFMD stands for Global Forum on Migration and Development. It is “an informal multilateral and state-led multistakeholder process “that is open to 192 member states of the United Nations “to identify practical and feasible ways to strengthen the mutually beneficial relationship between migration and development.”1
The GFMD comes at a time when the number of migrants has grown to about 205 million migrants around the world. Tens of millions are undocumented while about 20 million are refugees. Altogether they remit US$ 2.26 trillion, an amount which is far more than the combined “development assistance” given by developed countries to underdeveloped ones.
The GFMD purportedly professes to embrace “development”, a concept which may be remote to the realities of peoples of Third World countries who are impoverished. This universal concept defined by the United Nations supposedly pertains to human development, which is about creating an environment in which “people can develop their full potential and lead productive and creative lives in accord with their needs and interests.”2 It is therefore fundamental for human development to build human capabilities – to lead long and healthy lives, to be knowledgeable, to have access to have a decent standard of living, and to be able to participate in the life of a community. As such, human development shares the vision of fundamental human rights – the human right to work, the right to adequate standard of living including food, clothing, and housing, the right to physical and mental health, the right to security, the right to healthy environment, and the right to education.3
Over the years, the concept of human development evolved. On December 4, 1986, the General Assembly of the United Nations issued a Declaration on the Right to Development saying that “the right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human being and all peoples are entitled to, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized.”4
However, the path to human development changed, depending on whose perspective and interest holds such concept. As the disparity between the rich and poor countries widened, the dominant concept defined by First World countries prevailed. This concept holds the view that the path to development meant capital infusion combined with the provision and teaching of technical skills.
But as the process of “globalization” continued, this changed to embracing the principles of trade liberalization, the opening up of domestic industry investment to “free market” forces, privatization and deregulation. These principles gained prominence over the years and led to the “Washington consensus” in 1989, the formation of WTO in 1995, and the establishment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by the United Nations in 2000. These initiatives were designed purportedly to address global problems such as poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, environmental devastation and discrimination against women.
It was along this line that subsequent post-Washington or even post-post Washington concepts and other initiatives followed suit:
1)the Monterrey Consensus was adopted in 2002 (by over 50 Heads of State and 200 Ministers of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Development and Trade) as a result of a UN-organized International Conference on Financing for Development. Pushed by WTO and IMF-WB, commitments for more development aid to developing countries were mobilized, the concept of international trade as an engine for development was adopted, and governments, WTO and IFIs agreed to enhance the coherence and consistency of the international monetary, financial and trading systems in support of development.
2)the Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness was adopted in 2005 (by development officials and ministers from 91 countries and 26 donor organizations) for more aid commitments, and reforms in the delivery and management of aid . These commitments, however, meant more conditionalities and tied aid for developing countries to buy products only from donor countries.
3)Various High Level Fora (HLF) on different issues were organized by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) with the strong presence and influence of IMF and WB. One result of this HLF is to hold a permanent Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) in September 2006 in Washington..
What is common in all these policy developments is that the framework of development which serves the interests and strategies of neoliberal globalization has prevailed among governments, inter-government bodies (UN and OECD) and IFIs. In all these initiatives, the OECD plays the role of policy think-tank and coordinates both domestic and international policy-making processes. In collusion with the WB, it uses governments and the UN to create legitimated consensus bodies such as the GFMD to propagate and propel neoliberal policies and strategies.
It is no wonder then that the developments in international migration have caught the attention of governments and capitalists alike. This global interest is concretely seen as migration is increasingly on the agenda of the UN, ILO, IMF, WB, OECD and WTO. Various initiatives were taken by these global inter-government organizations and international financial institutions (IFIs), namely: WTO’s inclusion of Mode 4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Services (GATS); the formation of the Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) by the UN in 2003, and the holding of High Level Dialogues with governments and other “stakeholders” by the OECD.
One such product of this High Level Dialogue in September 2006, pursued specially after the collapse of WTO talks on the so-called Doha Development Agenda, was the creation of a permanent Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD), which held its inaugural session in Brussels, Belgium in July 2007.
The GFMD thus arose not from the genuine interest of First World countries to realize development of Third World countries and address migration issues and problems in countries of origin and destination. It arose in the midst of the worsening world economic crisis where far more advanced First World countries are fighting their way out of this crisis while still retaining their economic and political interests, control and power, while poverty, unemployment and underdevelopment continue to aggravate the lives of peoples of Third World countries.
It also came at a time when pro-globalization, debt-ridden and corrupt regimes in Third World countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and others are saying that migration is “international sharing of human resources” and that the “remittances of migrants help prop up (their) economies.”
The GFMD and Its Framework
The first GFMD held in Brussels, Belgium in 2007 discussed the following topics and conclusions:Human Capital Development and Labor Mobility: Maximizing Opportunities and Minimizing RisksRemittances and other Diaspora Resources: Increasing their Volume and Development ValueEnhancing Institutional and Policy Coherence, and Promoting Partnerships
Conclusions of the First GFMD session held in Brussels, Belgium are summed up in the following points:
1)that migration is an opportunity, not a threat; as such, migration policies can contribute to development and to achieving the Millennium Development Goals; that development policies can harness best the potential benefits of migration.2)that temporary labor migration can be a flexible way of meeting labor surplus and shortage across countries.3)that more circular forms of migration and sustainable return would enable temporary labor movements to be better linked to the skills and development needs of the source country, and to be factored into the skills requirements of the destination country. Also, the return or circulation of skills and other assets of more permanent migrants can reinforce development efforts in origin countries.4)that remittances to developing countries are one of the largest sources of external finance for developing countries, and can represent a large share of GDP for some of them. The World Bank estimates that recorded remittances to developing countries (i.e., excluding informal flows) reached $206 billion in 2006, almost two-thirds of foreign direct investment ($325 billion), and almost twice as large as official aid ($104 billion) received by these countries. Remittances are also considered to be more stable and evenly spread than other financial flows such as ODA or FDI, and are also considered to be countercyclical.5)that remittances cannot be appropriated by governments, but their positive impact on development can be increased through options, incentives and tools designed and implemented by governments in partnership with other relevant actors.6)that reducing remittance costs can create incentives for migrants to use formal remittance channels. Increased formalization of remittance transfers also enables better policy planning for development and for responding to the possible negative impact of these flows.
The next GFMD session will be held in Manila, Philippines on October 29-30, 2008.The Philippine experience in developing the export of labor as an industry is seen by many governments as a model for the world to see. Moreover, the Arroyo government sees the GFMD as “the country’s opportunity” to market Filipinos workers overseas since “it can no longer stop Filipinos from leaving for better jobs abroad.” Albeit this lame excuse, the fact remains that the government cannot create decent jobs and it exploits the diaspora of Filipinos to earn the much needed foreign exchange.
As with the first GFMD session in Belgium, consultations with civil society organizations (CSO) will again be held, this time on October 27-28, 2008. The CSO consultation is being organized by the Ayala Foundation.
The theme of the next GFMD is “Protecting and Empowering Migrants for Development,” which is meant to call on the host and sending countries to “share responsibility” to ensure the developmental effects of migration. The roundtable discussions will focus on the following:
Migration, Development, and Human RightsSecure, Legal Migration can Achieve Stronger Developmental ImpactPolicy and Institutional Coherence and Partnerships
It is in this context that the forthcoming GFMD session in Manila, Philippines is being pursued.
Critical Position on the GFMD
The GFMD is a device to sell neoliberal anti-poverty and financing strategy. It thrives on the poverty of Third World countries, directs them to institutionalize migration policies as a mechanism for development and development cooperation.
It hides under the cloak of universally-accepted concepts and principles such as the right to migrate, the “right to development”, “responsibility of government to manage” but peddles on “remittance as a survival mechanism for poor countries” and “temporary labor migration” as a “flexible way of meeting labor surplus and shortage across countries”.
It avoids the notion that migration is an “alternative to development” because it will expose the undeniable fact that “neoliberal” globalization has failed miserably on its promise to usher development, especially in poor countries that has a vast pool of unemployed. It also unmasks the real intent of the current drive of First World countries and their institutions to exploit the migration phenomenon, the lucrative labor export programs and migrant remittances for the purpose of salvaging or propping up the collapsing economies, especially of semi-colonies and dependent countries.
GFMD sells neoliberal anti-poverty and financing strategies by promoting the concept that “migration promotes development” and that the remittances of migrants helps the economy and therefore serves as a “tool for development”. It directs its efforts towards capturing the remittances of migrants to: a) ensure super profits of bank monopolies, and b) ensure that debt-ridden economies have a large currency reserve to pay off debts.
The underlying agenda however is to do away with capital pump-priming and ODA which donor countries and IFIs have so far been unable to meet for the past several decades. This exposes the fact that neoliberal globalization currently has not brought Third World countries any closer to the eradication of global poverty and unemployment.
It promotes the concept of government responsibility to “manage migration” in order to augment state revenues and help cover deficits in foreign payments. Managing migration meant institutionalizing migration policies, adopting “policy coherence” in all its related branches of government, and by “aligning” migration policies with development policies domestically and internationally. This concept exposes that the underlying neoliberal agenda is for Third World countries to continue to tow the line of neoliberal policies (liberalization, privatization, deregulation, etc), policies that bred a vast pool of unemployed and underemployed, the very same policies that brought Third World countries heavily indebted and in a state of abject poverty.
It employs post post-Washington strategy of “transparency” and “shared responsibility” thru “inter-partnership” with all “stakeholders” in the name of development but marginalizes the role of the most important stakeholder on this issue – the migrants themselves. Consultations and representation of migrant organizations in HLF are nil. Even in dialogues with civil society organizations, migrant representation is merely a token.
While there is some truth that remittances temporarily alleviates the financial woes of families of migrants, this perverse notion signifies greater commodification of migrants and the perpetuation of conditions for cheap labor, not to mention the social costs of migration, especially on children and families.
It is time to expose that this so-called “development” thru migration and reliance on remittances as development tool are neoliberal anti-poverty and financing concepts and strategy that thrives on people’s exploitation and miseries of migrants, enhances labor flexibilization and therefore, greater commodification of labor, and only brings Third World countries into the quagmire of poverty because these do not address the root causes of underdevelopment and the massive migration of peoples from poor countries.
National and Global Response
The forthcoming GFMD is being hosted by the Arroyo regime in the Philippines. The Arroyo regime is the nightmare of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). No other regime than this has squelched the OFWs dry with enormous exactions from fees to charges to taxes. It has duped OFWs to part with their earnings in collusion with big business, illegal recruiters, traffickers and racketeers, and in utter disregard of the abuses and violations of migrants’ rights. It is currently riding high on the phenomenal increase (from $13B in 2006 to $16B in 2007) in dollar remittances even as OFWs continue to reel from the falling value of their dollars.
Effectively, this regime has began to cover its budget deficits, pay the country’s international creditors, and brag about “sound fundamentals” largely borne by the blood, sweat and tears of the country’s migrants. For all its “achievements,” the Arroyo regime is playing poster girl to the next GFMD.
Yet nothing about development is written on the sad and angry faces of Filipino migrants and their families. And nothing of the same could be measured in the lives of some 200 million migrants of various nationalities and races around the globe. What is clearer is a renewed offensive against the rights and welfare of migrants as the next GFMD unfolds. And the only path is resistance — a resistance that can span countries and continents, cross borders, break down barriers of race and gender, and developing the cooperation and partnership of migrants, their advocates and their families all around the world.
As Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, chairperson of the International League of People’s Struggles (ILPS), says: “The GFMD cannot be expected to become relevant and helpful to the most important of its supposed stakeholders – the migrant workers themselves – as it fails to address the essential issues of the migration phenomenon, including the immediate and long-term issues involving the migrant workers.”
It is thus important for all progressive migrants and refugees to play a defining role in the GFMD process and to be at the forefront of their own struggles against neoliberal globalization and its devices, and to link their struggles with those of all other oppressed peoples and sectors.
The role of advocate groups and institutions is also important in strengthening the voice of migrants and refugees and in promoting their rights and welfare to the GFMD process.###
Prepared by:The International Assembly of Migrants and Refugees (IAMR)Manila, Philippines
The GFMD comes at a time when the number of migrants has grown to about 205 million migrants around the world. Tens of millions are undocumented while about 20 million are refugees. Altogether they remit US$ 2.26 trillion, an amount which is far more than the combined “development assistance” given by developed countries to underdeveloped ones.
The GFMD purportedly professes to embrace “development”, a concept which may be remote to the realities of peoples of Third World countries who are impoverished. This universal concept defined by the United Nations supposedly pertains to human development, which is about creating an environment in which “people can develop their full potential and lead productive and creative lives in accord with their needs and interests.”2 It is therefore fundamental for human development to build human capabilities – to lead long and healthy lives, to be knowledgeable, to have access to have a decent standard of living, and to be able to participate in the life of a community. As such, human development shares the vision of fundamental human rights – the human right to work, the right to adequate standard of living including food, clothing, and housing, the right to physical and mental health, the right to security, the right to healthy environment, and the right to education.3
Over the years, the concept of human development evolved. On December 4, 1986, the General Assembly of the United Nations issued a Declaration on the Right to Development saying that “the right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human being and all peoples are entitled to, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized.”4
However, the path to human development changed, depending on whose perspective and interest holds such concept. As the disparity between the rich and poor countries widened, the dominant concept defined by First World countries prevailed. This concept holds the view that the path to development meant capital infusion combined with the provision and teaching of technical skills.
But as the process of “globalization” continued, this changed to embracing the principles of trade liberalization, the opening up of domestic industry investment to “free market” forces, privatization and deregulation. These principles gained prominence over the years and led to the “Washington consensus” in 1989, the formation of WTO in 1995, and the establishment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by the United Nations in 2000. These initiatives were designed purportedly to address global problems such as poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, environmental devastation and discrimination against women.
It was along this line that subsequent post-Washington or even post-post Washington concepts and other initiatives followed suit:
1)the Monterrey Consensus was adopted in 2002 (by over 50 Heads of State and 200 Ministers of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Development and Trade) as a result of a UN-organized International Conference on Financing for Development. Pushed by WTO and IMF-WB, commitments for more development aid to developing countries were mobilized, the concept of international trade as an engine for development was adopted, and governments, WTO and IFIs agreed to enhance the coherence and consistency of the international monetary, financial and trading systems in support of development.
2)the Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness was adopted in 2005 (by development officials and ministers from 91 countries and 26 donor organizations) for more aid commitments, and reforms in the delivery and management of aid . These commitments, however, meant more conditionalities and tied aid for developing countries to buy products only from donor countries.
3)Various High Level Fora (HLF) on different issues were organized by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) with the strong presence and influence of IMF and WB. One result of this HLF is to hold a permanent Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) in September 2006 in Washington..
What is common in all these policy developments is that the framework of development which serves the interests and strategies of neoliberal globalization has prevailed among governments, inter-government bodies (UN and OECD) and IFIs. In all these initiatives, the OECD plays the role of policy think-tank and coordinates both domestic and international policy-making processes. In collusion with the WB, it uses governments and the UN to create legitimated consensus bodies such as the GFMD to propagate and propel neoliberal policies and strategies.
It is no wonder then that the developments in international migration have caught the attention of governments and capitalists alike. This global interest is concretely seen as migration is increasingly on the agenda of the UN, ILO, IMF, WB, OECD and WTO. Various initiatives were taken by these global inter-government organizations and international financial institutions (IFIs), namely: WTO’s inclusion of Mode 4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Services (GATS); the formation of the Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) by the UN in 2003, and the holding of High Level Dialogues with governments and other “stakeholders” by the OECD.
One such product of this High Level Dialogue in September 2006, pursued specially after the collapse of WTO talks on the so-called Doha Development Agenda, was the creation of a permanent Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD), which held its inaugural session in Brussels, Belgium in July 2007.
The GFMD thus arose not from the genuine interest of First World countries to realize development of Third World countries and address migration issues and problems in countries of origin and destination. It arose in the midst of the worsening world economic crisis where far more advanced First World countries are fighting their way out of this crisis while still retaining their economic and political interests, control and power, while poverty, unemployment and underdevelopment continue to aggravate the lives of peoples of Third World countries.
It also came at a time when pro-globalization, debt-ridden and corrupt regimes in Third World countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and others are saying that migration is “international sharing of human resources” and that the “remittances of migrants help prop up (their) economies.”
The GFMD and Its Framework
The first GFMD held in Brussels, Belgium in 2007 discussed the following topics and conclusions:Human Capital Development and Labor Mobility: Maximizing Opportunities and Minimizing RisksRemittances and other Diaspora Resources: Increasing their Volume and Development ValueEnhancing Institutional and Policy Coherence, and Promoting Partnerships
Conclusions of the First GFMD session held in Brussels, Belgium are summed up in the following points:
1)that migration is an opportunity, not a threat; as such, migration policies can contribute to development and to achieving the Millennium Development Goals; that development policies can harness best the potential benefits of migration.2)that temporary labor migration can be a flexible way of meeting labor surplus and shortage across countries.3)that more circular forms of migration and sustainable return would enable temporary labor movements to be better linked to the skills and development needs of the source country, and to be factored into the skills requirements of the destination country. Also, the return or circulation of skills and other assets of more permanent migrants can reinforce development efforts in origin countries.4)that remittances to developing countries are one of the largest sources of external finance for developing countries, and can represent a large share of GDP for some of them. The World Bank estimates that recorded remittances to developing countries (i.e., excluding informal flows) reached $206 billion in 2006, almost two-thirds of foreign direct investment ($325 billion), and almost twice as large as official aid ($104 billion) received by these countries. Remittances are also considered to be more stable and evenly spread than other financial flows such as ODA or FDI, and are also considered to be countercyclical.5)that remittances cannot be appropriated by governments, but their positive impact on development can be increased through options, incentives and tools designed and implemented by governments in partnership with other relevant actors.6)that reducing remittance costs can create incentives for migrants to use formal remittance channels. Increased formalization of remittance transfers also enables better policy planning for development and for responding to the possible negative impact of these flows.
The next GFMD session will be held in Manila, Philippines on October 29-30, 2008.The Philippine experience in developing the export of labor as an industry is seen by many governments as a model for the world to see. Moreover, the Arroyo government sees the GFMD as “the country’s opportunity” to market Filipinos workers overseas since “it can no longer stop Filipinos from leaving for better jobs abroad.” Albeit this lame excuse, the fact remains that the government cannot create decent jobs and it exploits the diaspora of Filipinos to earn the much needed foreign exchange.
As with the first GFMD session in Belgium, consultations with civil society organizations (CSO) will again be held, this time on October 27-28, 2008. The CSO consultation is being organized by the Ayala Foundation.
The theme of the next GFMD is “Protecting and Empowering Migrants for Development,” which is meant to call on the host and sending countries to “share responsibility” to ensure the developmental effects of migration. The roundtable discussions will focus on the following:
Migration, Development, and Human RightsSecure, Legal Migration can Achieve Stronger Developmental ImpactPolicy and Institutional Coherence and Partnerships
It is in this context that the forthcoming GFMD session in Manila, Philippines is being pursued.
Critical Position on the GFMD
The GFMD is a device to sell neoliberal anti-poverty and financing strategy. It thrives on the poverty of Third World countries, directs them to institutionalize migration policies as a mechanism for development and development cooperation.
It hides under the cloak of universally-accepted concepts and principles such as the right to migrate, the “right to development”, “responsibility of government to manage” but peddles on “remittance as a survival mechanism for poor countries” and “temporary labor migration” as a “flexible way of meeting labor surplus and shortage across countries”.
It avoids the notion that migration is an “alternative to development” because it will expose the undeniable fact that “neoliberal” globalization has failed miserably on its promise to usher development, especially in poor countries that has a vast pool of unemployed. It also unmasks the real intent of the current drive of First World countries and their institutions to exploit the migration phenomenon, the lucrative labor export programs and migrant remittances for the purpose of salvaging or propping up the collapsing economies, especially of semi-colonies and dependent countries.
GFMD sells neoliberal anti-poverty and financing strategies by promoting the concept that “migration promotes development” and that the remittances of migrants helps the economy and therefore serves as a “tool for development”. It directs its efforts towards capturing the remittances of migrants to: a) ensure super profits of bank monopolies, and b) ensure that debt-ridden economies have a large currency reserve to pay off debts.
The underlying agenda however is to do away with capital pump-priming and ODA which donor countries and IFIs have so far been unable to meet for the past several decades. This exposes the fact that neoliberal globalization currently has not brought Third World countries any closer to the eradication of global poverty and unemployment.
It promotes the concept of government responsibility to “manage migration” in order to augment state revenues and help cover deficits in foreign payments. Managing migration meant institutionalizing migration policies, adopting “policy coherence” in all its related branches of government, and by “aligning” migration policies with development policies domestically and internationally. This concept exposes that the underlying neoliberal agenda is for Third World countries to continue to tow the line of neoliberal policies (liberalization, privatization, deregulation, etc), policies that bred a vast pool of unemployed and underemployed, the very same policies that brought Third World countries heavily indebted and in a state of abject poverty.
It employs post post-Washington strategy of “transparency” and “shared responsibility” thru “inter-partnership” with all “stakeholders” in the name of development but marginalizes the role of the most important stakeholder on this issue – the migrants themselves. Consultations and representation of migrant organizations in HLF are nil. Even in dialogues with civil society organizations, migrant representation is merely a token.
While there is some truth that remittances temporarily alleviates the financial woes of families of migrants, this perverse notion signifies greater commodification of migrants and the perpetuation of conditions for cheap labor, not to mention the social costs of migration, especially on children and families.
It is time to expose that this so-called “development” thru migration and reliance on remittances as development tool are neoliberal anti-poverty and financing concepts and strategy that thrives on people’s exploitation and miseries of migrants, enhances labor flexibilization and therefore, greater commodification of labor, and only brings Third World countries into the quagmire of poverty because these do not address the root causes of underdevelopment and the massive migration of peoples from poor countries.
National and Global Response
The forthcoming GFMD is being hosted by the Arroyo regime in the Philippines. The Arroyo regime is the nightmare of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). No other regime than this has squelched the OFWs dry with enormous exactions from fees to charges to taxes. It has duped OFWs to part with their earnings in collusion with big business, illegal recruiters, traffickers and racketeers, and in utter disregard of the abuses and violations of migrants’ rights. It is currently riding high on the phenomenal increase (from $13B in 2006 to $16B in 2007) in dollar remittances even as OFWs continue to reel from the falling value of their dollars.
Effectively, this regime has began to cover its budget deficits, pay the country’s international creditors, and brag about “sound fundamentals” largely borne by the blood, sweat and tears of the country’s migrants. For all its “achievements,” the Arroyo regime is playing poster girl to the next GFMD.
Yet nothing about development is written on the sad and angry faces of Filipino migrants and their families. And nothing of the same could be measured in the lives of some 200 million migrants of various nationalities and races around the globe. What is clearer is a renewed offensive against the rights and welfare of migrants as the next GFMD unfolds. And the only path is resistance — a resistance that can span countries and continents, cross borders, break down barriers of race and gender, and developing the cooperation and partnership of migrants, their advocates and their families all around the world.
As Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, chairperson of the International League of People’s Struggles (ILPS), says: “The GFMD cannot be expected to become relevant and helpful to the most important of its supposed stakeholders – the migrant workers themselves – as it fails to address the essential issues of the migration phenomenon, including the immediate and long-term issues involving the migrant workers.”
It is thus important for all progressive migrants and refugees to play a defining role in the GFMD process and to be at the forefront of their own struggles against neoliberal globalization and its devices, and to link their struggles with those of all other oppressed peoples and sectors.
The role of advocate groups and institutions is also important in strengthening the voice of migrants and refugees and in promoting their rights and welfare to the GFMD process.###
Prepared by:The International Assembly of Migrants and Refugees (IAMR)Manila, Philippines
condemn economic and financial crimes, intensify the struggle against imperialism
CONDEMN ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CRIMES,INTENSIFY THE STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALISM
Statement on the US and Global Economic and Financial Crisis
By the International League of Peoples' Struggle
We, the International League of Peoples' Struggle, take cognizance of the total discredit of the "free market" dogma, the unravelling of the policy of "neoliberal globalization" and the gravity of the current level of the economic and financial crisis of the imperialist powers headed by the US. We condemn in the strongest terms all the economic and financial crimes of monopoly capitalism against the people under the slogans of "free market" and "neoliberal globalization".
Such crimes are as follows:
The systematic driving down of the wages and other incomes of the working people and the suppression of their democratic rights for the purpose of maximizing the profits of the monopoly firms in the imperialist and other countries;
The cutbacks on social spending by governments for education, health and other basic services, tax cuts, gilded contracts, subsidies and insurance for the monopoly firms, the privatization of state assets , deregulation to make way for the unbridled exploitation of the working people and the environment and the use of state power in the service of monopoly capitalism;
The use of cheap labour in the less developed countries like China and India in order to produce cheap raw materials and semi-manufactured consumer products for the imperialist countries and thereby maximize imperialist profits;
The accelerated accumulation and centralization of productive and finance capital in the hands of the monopoly bourgeoisie and the growing financialization of the home economies of the US and other imperialist powers, with the financial corporations rapidly increasing their share of corporate profits;
The unbridled use of debt financing for consumption in order to conjure the illusion of economic growth, to cover trade deficits and budgetary deficits, to fuel corporate speculation in stock and bond issuances, mergers and derivatives, to allow unregulated money creation and debt expansion by commercial and investment banks and to stimulate financial bubbles like the mortgage scam in the US and elsewhere and debt-based consumption by households amidst industrial decline and decreasing employment in the US and other imperialist countries;
The use of public funds as well as people's savings deposits and pension funds to bail out the bankrupted mortgage banks, commercial and investment banks and insurance companies involved in the massive mortgage fraud in the US and the global spread of poisoned securities backed by bad mortgages; and
The continuing accumulation and concentration of capital in the hands of the strongest corporate giants and the redeployment of finance capital in food, fuel and minerals causing a new bubble in prime commodities and generating inflation and price gouging at the expense of the broad masses of the people amidst depression and rampant unemployment.
The financial crisis, ignited by the mortgage meltdown and characterized by the bankruptcies of banks, abrupt stock market falls and severe credit crunch, and the economic crisis involving the further stagnation and depression of production and consumer market are destroying the forces of production and wreaking havoc on the lives of the people on a global scale.
The crisis of the imperialist system keeps on worsening, as the imperialist powers and all reactionary forces strive to preserve the moribund system of oppression and exploitation. They incite extreme reaction and fan the flames of chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry, fascism, military intervention and wars of aggression. Under these conditions, the suffering people everywhere are increasingly compelled to fight for their democratic rights and for national and social liberation.
We, the International League of Peoples' Struggle, call on the people of the world:
To expose and oppose the root cause, historical sequence and circumstances of the current economic and financial crisis and condemn the economic and financial crimes of the US and other imperialist powers;
To intensify the mass movement for national and social liberation and wage all forms of struggle against the imperialist powers and their puppet states in all their attempts to perpetuate the imperialist system of exploitation and oppression and suppress the people's movement by fomenting chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry and under the guise of anti- terrorism unleashing fascism, military intervention and wars of aggression;
To take advantage of the adverse effects of the aforesaid crisis on the status of the US as the No. 1 imperialist power, the intensified economic competition and political rivalries among the imperialist powers and the general discredit of the imperialist powers and their puppet states;
To seek ways of alleviating the poverty and economic suffering of the people while waging struggles against imperialism and the local reactionaries; and
To strengthen all progressive and democratic anti-imperialist forces and build the united front for the purpose of advancing the revolutionary mass movement in order to fight and defeat imperialism and reaction establishing new revolutionary and democratic states within the foreseeable future.
We are greatly inspired and strengthened by the resounding success of the Third International Assembly of the International League of Peoples' Struggle. We feel confident and ever ready to realize our prime objective of bringing about greater unity among the people's organisations and greater advances of the people's struggles against imperialism and all reaction.
We reaffirm our commitment and resolve to step-up our preparations for the coordinated series of campaigns and actions and intensify the various forms of struggle against the whole imperialist system and all reactionary forces in power. We call on all progressive, democratic and anti-imperialist forces to join us and to seize every opportunity to unite and intensify the common struggle along the consistent and militant anti-imperialist and democratic line.
from: http://redstudentswill.multiply.com/journal/item/262/in_a_time_of_economic_financial_crisis...
_CONDEMN_ECON.FINANCIAL_CRIMES_STRUGGLE_AGAINST_IMPERIALISM_
Statement on the US and Global Economic and Financial Crisis
By the International League of Peoples' Struggle
We, the International League of Peoples' Struggle, take cognizance of the total discredit of the "free market" dogma, the unravelling of the policy of "neoliberal globalization" and the gravity of the current level of the economic and financial crisis of the imperialist powers headed by the US. We condemn in the strongest terms all the economic and financial crimes of monopoly capitalism against the people under the slogans of "free market" and "neoliberal globalization".
Such crimes are as follows:
The systematic driving down of the wages and other incomes of the working people and the suppression of their democratic rights for the purpose of maximizing the profits of the monopoly firms in the imperialist and other countries;
The cutbacks on social spending by governments for education, health and other basic services, tax cuts, gilded contracts, subsidies and insurance for the monopoly firms, the privatization of state assets , deregulation to make way for the unbridled exploitation of the working people and the environment and the use of state power in the service of monopoly capitalism;
The use of cheap labour in the less developed countries like China and India in order to produce cheap raw materials and semi-manufactured consumer products for the imperialist countries and thereby maximize imperialist profits;
The accelerated accumulation and centralization of productive and finance capital in the hands of the monopoly bourgeoisie and the growing financialization of the home economies of the US and other imperialist powers, with the financial corporations rapidly increasing their share of corporate profits;
The unbridled use of debt financing for consumption in order to conjure the illusion of economic growth, to cover trade deficits and budgetary deficits, to fuel corporate speculation in stock and bond issuances, mergers and derivatives, to allow unregulated money creation and debt expansion by commercial and investment banks and to stimulate financial bubbles like the mortgage scam in the US and elsewhere and debt-based consumption by households amidst industrial decline and decreasing employment in the US and other imperialist countries;
The use of public funds as well as people's savings deposits and pension funds to bail out the bankrupted mortgage banks, commercial and investment banks and insurance companies involved in the massive mortgage fraud in the US and the global spread of poisoned securities backed by bad mortgages; and
The continuing accumulation and concentration of capital in the hands of the strongest corporate giants and the redeployment of finance capital in food, fuel and minerals causing a new bubble in prime commodities and generating inflation and price gouging at the expense of the broad masses of the people amidst depression and rampant unemployment.
The financial crisis, ignited by the mortgage meltdown and characterized by the bankruptcies of banks, abrupt stock market falls and severe credit crunch, and the economic crisis involving the further stagnation and depression of production and consumer market are destroying the forces of production and wreaking havoc on the lives of the people on a global scale.
The crisis of the imperialist system keeps on worsening, as the imperialist powers and all reactionary forces strive to preserve the moribund system of oppression and exploitation. They incite extreme reaction and fan the flames of chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry, fascism, military intervention and wars of aggression. Under these conditions, the suffering people everywhere are increasingly compelled to fight for their democratic rights and for national and social liberation.
We, the International League of Peoples' Struggle, call on the people of the world:
To expose and oppose the root cause, historical sequence and circumstances of the current economic and financial crisis and condemn the economic and financial crimes of the US and other imperialist powers;
To intensify the mass movement for national and social liberation and wage all forms of struggle against the imperialist powers and their puppet states in all their attempts to perpetuate the imperialist system of exploitation and oppression and suppress the people's movement by fomenting chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry and under the guise of anti- terrorism unleashing fascism, military intervention and wars of aggression;
To take advantage of the adverse effects of the aforesaid crisis on the status of the US as the No. 1 imperialist power, the intensified economic competition and political rivalries among the imperialist powers and the general discredit of the imperialist powers and their puppet states;
To seek ways of alleviating the poverty and economic suffering of the people while waging struggles against imperialism and the local reactionaries; and
To strengthen all progressive and democratic anti-imperialist forces and build the united front for the purpose of advancing the revolutionary mass movement in order to fight and defeat imperialism and reaction establishing new revolutionary and democratic states within the foreseeable future.
We are greatly inspired and strengthened by the resounding success of the Third International Assembly of the International League of Peoples' Struggle. We feel confident and ever ready to realize our prime objective of bringing about greater unity among the people's organisations and greater advances of the people's struggles against imperialism and all reaction.
We reaffirm our commitment and resolve to step-up our preparations for the coordinated series of campaigns and actions and intensify the various forms of struggle against the whole imperialist system and all reactionary forces in power. We call on all progressive, democratic and anti-imperialist forces to join us and to seize every opportunity to unite and intensify the common struggle along the consistent and militant anti-imperialist and democratic line.
from: http://redstudentswill.multiply.com/journal/item/262/in_a_time_of_economic_financial_crisis...
_CONDEMN_ECON.FINANCIAL_CRIMES_STRUGGLE_AGAINST_IMPERIALISM_
Friday, October 10, 2008
No Deal:JPEPA
humakbang na naman pasulong ang pag-railroad sa JPEPA.
unit-unting nilalamon ng isang patibong ng mga ganid ang Pilipinas.
unit-unting nilalamon ng isang patibong ng mga ganid ang Pilipinas.
Saturday, September 13, 2008
"presyo ibaba"
Kahapon, Setyembre 11, 2008, nagkaroon ng rollback sa mga presyo ng langis. Pinangunahan ito ng mga kumpanyang Pilipnas Shell Petroleum Corp., Chevron Philippines Inc., Eastern Petroleum Inc., Total Philippines Corp., at Seaoil Philippines Inc. na nagbaba lamang ng P2.00 bawat litro. Habang ang Unioil Philippines Inc. ay nagbaba ng P3.00 bawat litro at P2.00 bawat litro sa diesel at kerosine.
Kung makikita, masasabing masaya si Juan sa pagbaba ng presyo ng langis. Ngunit hindi dapat sa ganito natatapos ang isyu. Patuloy pa rin anitng nararamdaman ang kahirapan na pinagpipilitan ng goebyerno na nararamdaman natin ang kaunlaran.
Sa esensya, sa bawat pagtaas o pagbaba ng $1 ng langis sa internasyunal, tumataas o bumababa ng P0.30 kada litro ng langis sa lokal. At kung makikita, noong Agosto, humugit-kumulang $18 bawat bariles ang ibinababa ng presyo ng langis sa internasyunal. Habang sa iba pang buwan, nagkaroon ng $20 at $33 bawat bariles na pagbaba ng presyo.
At kung makikita, bakit ganoon? Napakaganid ng mga kumpanayang langis upang mangalap lamang ng kanilang mga superganansiya. Harap-harapan ng ipinamumuka at ipinepresenta kya Juan ang kahirapan. Habang si Juan, pasibo, at nananatiling nag-titiis sa mga bagay-bagay. Ang pagiging free-rider ang isa sa pinakamasaklap ng prinsipyo sa buhay.
Gumising at bumangon! Tumindig at Ipaglaban ang karapatan!
Kung makikita, masasabing masaya si Juan sa pagbaba ng presyo ng langis. Ngunit hindi dapat sa ganito natatapos ang isyu. Patuloy pa rin anitng nararamdaman ang kahirapan na pinagpipilitan ng goebyerno na nararamdaman natin ang kaunlaran.
Sa esensya, sa bawat pagtaas o pagbaba ng $1 ng langis sa internasyunal, tumataas o bumababa ng P0.30 kada litro ng langis sa lokal. At kung makikita, noong Agosto, humugit-kumulang $18 bawat bariles ang ibinababa ng presyo ng langis sa internasyunal. Habang sa iba pang buwan, nagkaroon ng $20 at $33 bawat bariles na pagbaba ng presyo.
At kung makikita, bakit ganoon? Napakaganid ng mga kumpanayang langis upang mangalap lamang ng kanilang mga superganansiya. Harap-harapan ng ipinamumuka at ipinepresenta kya Juan ang kahirapan. Habang si Juan, pasibo, at nananatiling nag-titiis sa mga bagay-bagay. Ang pagiging free-rider ang isa sa pinakamasaklap ng prinsipyo sa buhay.
Gumising at bumangon! Tumindig at Ipaglaban ang karapatan!
pagtataas ng tuition
“Edukasyon, edukasyon! Karapatan ng mamamayan!” Iyan ang parati nating naririnig sa mga aktibistang estduyante. Ngunit bakit nga ba nila ito isinisigaw? Ano ang kahalagahan nito sa lahat ng kabataan? Sa mamamayan?
Ang edukasyon ay isa sa mga batayang karapatan ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Kung ating uungkatin, ipinatupad ang Batas Pambansa Blg. 232 noong Setyembre 11, 1982 na siyang nagtatalaga ng iisang ahensiya na siyang mangangasiwa sa pang-edukasyong aspeto ng bansa – ang Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports. Ayon naman sa seksyon 34 at 35, tsapter 5, mayroong obligasyon ang gobyerno na bigyan ng pinansiya at tulong ang mga pampublikong paaralan. Habang nasasaad naman sa seksyon 38, mayroong matrikula simula hayskul upang matugunan ang pagpapaganda at pagaayos ng mga pasilidad ng paaralan. Habang nasasaad sa Seksyon 40 na karapatan ng mga pribadong paaralan ang pagdedetermina ng singil sa matrikula. [1]
Noong 1998, ipinatupad ang CHEd Memorandum Order (CMO) No. 13 na nagsasaad ng pagkakaroon ng “National Multi-Sectoral Committee on Tuition Fee (NMSCTF)” na siyang mayroong karapatang mag-desisyon sa pagtataas ng matrikula. Ang naturang komite ay bubuuin ng mga council na katawan ng mga estudyante, kaguruan, alumni at non-teaching personnel. Dagdag pa, nilalaman din ang proseso ng pagtataas ng matrikula, ma-pribado o pampublikong paaralan man. [2]
Mapapansin na walang tuition cap o limitasyon sa pagtaas ng matrikula, kung kaya’t malaya ang administrasyon ng mga paaralan na itaas ang kanilang singil. Mapapansin din na hindi sakop ng naturang batas ang miscellaneous fees at iba pang bayarin kung kaya’t ito ang nagbigay pahintulot sa mga may-ari ng paaaralan na itaas ng singil sa mga iba pang bayarin. Halimbawa na nga ang St. Scholastica’s College:
Miscellanours Fees (A.Y. 2004 - 2005)
Source: CHED-OSS
Item
Average Cost
Average % of hike
Registration
P 263.84
14.22
Library
P 300.66
15.94
Medical/Dental
P 156.76
12.64
Athletics
P 136.45
16.14
Audio Visual
P 227.67
12.74
Guidance
P 179.35
12.48
Laboratory
P 592.59
13.13
NSTP
P 322.20
15.92
ID
P 118.12
28.67
Kung makikita, nakabawi na rin ang administrasyon ng paaaralan sa mga iba pang bayarin.
Ngunit ayon kay Ms. Rizza Ramirez, presidente ng National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), hindi lamang pagtataas ng singil ang naisagawa. Sumulpot din ang mga iba’t ibang bayarin tulad ng accreditation fee ng Technological Institute of the Philippines (TIP), pre-registration fee ng Acquinas University sa Albay, at iba pa. [3]
Habang noong 2007, ipinatupad ang CMO No. 14 na siyang nagtatalaga ng pagkakaroon ng tuiton cap. Ayon sa Seksyon 8 ng batas, agarang papayagan ang pagtaas ng matrikula at iba pang bayarin kung hindi ito tataas sa nangingibabaw na inflation rate. Ngunit kung matrikulang itataas ay mas mataas sa inflation rate, dapat magkaroon ng konsultasyon sa komite o stakeholders. Masasabing nagkaroon ng regulasyon sa pagtaas ng matrikula. Ngunit ang pagtaas ng iba pang bayarin ay hindi pa rin sakop ng batas. [4]
Ngunit dahil sa iba’t ibang presyur mula sa mga pribadong eskuwelahan, tulad ng organisasyong Coordinating Council of Private Educational Associations (COCOPEA)[5], itinaas ang CMO No. 14 at ibinalik ang CMO No. 13 kasama ang CMO No.16 noong 2008. Makikita na malaya na muli ang administrasyon ng mga paaralan na taasan ang singil hindi lamang sa matrikula ngunit maging sa mga ibang bayarin din.
Ayon kay CHED Deputy Executive Director Julito Vitriolo, naniniwala siyang mula 8 hanggang 10% lamang ang itaas ng mga matrikula kahit na nawala na ang tuition cap. Dagdag pa niya, bumaba ang enrollment sa pribadong paaralan na mula sa 85% na naging 60% na lamang, dahil naglipatan sa mga State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) dahil sa mas mura ng matrikula. [6] Sa ganitong argumento ng isang opisyal na galing sa gobyerno, makikita na tila nakakalimutan nila na ang edukasyon ay isang karapatan hindi isang pribilehiyo at batayang bilihin (basic commodity). Ang batas na kanilang ipinatutupad ay hindi angkop sa sitwasyon ng bansa, na tila mayroong pinapanigang iilang tao.
Ngunit kung makikita, nagkaroon din mga pagtataas ng matrikula ang mga unibersidad. Narito ang 300% na pagtaas ng matrikula sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas na ipinatupad noong 2007. Narito rin ang 9% (general avearge) na pagtaas ng matrikula sa Jose Rizal University na ipinatupad nitong 2008. [7]
Ang mga nabanggit ay ilan lamang sa halimbawang pasakit ng maling batas na sa bansa ay ipinaiiral. Mga batas na mayroong kinikilingan, para sa interes ng mga iilang uri. Kung kaya’t nagkakaroon ang mga aktibista na siyang ipinaglalaban hindi lamang ang karapatan ng mga estudyante maging ng buong sambayanan. Karapatan ang edukasyon hindi isang pribilehiyo!
References:
Galvez, James Konstantin. CHED: no tuition hike this year, enrollment dipping. http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/may/08/yehey/metro/20080508met6.html
http://www.ceap.org.ph/presidents_report_2007.php
PNA. Tuition Fee may increase 8 to 10 percent –CHED. http://www.positivenewsmedia.net/am2/publish/Education_20/Tuition _fee_may_increse_8_to_10_percent_--_CHED.shtml
Ramota,Carl Marc. Tuition hike freeze? CHEd must be joking. http://www.bulatlat.com/news/5-16/5-16-ched_printer.html
Statutes:
Batas Pambansa Blg. 232
CHEd Memorandum Order No. 13
CHEd Memorandum Order No. 14
CHEd Memorandum Order No. 16
[1] Batas Pambansa Blg. 232
[2] CHEd Memorandum Order No. 13
[3] Ramota, http://www.bulatlat.com/news/5-16/5-16-ched_printer.html
[4] CHEd Memorandum Order No. 14
[5] http://www.ceap.org.ph/presidents_report_2007.php
[6] Galvez, http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/may/08/yehey/metro/20080508met6.html
[7] PNA, http://www.positivenewsmedia.net/am2/publish/Education_20/Tuition _fee_may_increse_8_to_10_percent_--_CHED.shtml
Ang edukasyon ay isa sa mga batayang karapatan ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Kung ating uungkatin, ipinatupad ang Batas Pambansa Blg. 232 noong Setyembre 11, 1982 na siyang nagtatalaga ng iisang ahensiya na siyang mangangasiwa sa pang-edukasyong aspeto ng bansa – ang Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports. Ayon naman sa seksyon 34 at 35, tsapter 5, mayroong obligasyon ang gobyerno na bigyan ng pinansiya at tulong ang mga pampublikong paaralan. Habang nasasaad naman sa seksyon 38, mayroong matrikula simula hayskul upang matugunan ang pagpapaganda at pagaayos ng mga pasilidad ng paaralan. Habang nasasaad sa Seksyon 40 na karapatan ng mga pribadong paaralan ang pagdedetermina ng singil sa matrikula. [1]
Noong 1998, ipinatupad ang CHEd Memorandum Order (CMO) No. 13 na nagsasaad ng pagkakaroon ng “National Multi-Sectoral Committee on Tuition Fee (NMSCTF)” na siyang mayroong karapatang mag-desisyon sa pagtataas ng matrikula. Ang naturang komite ay bubuuin ng mga council na katawan ng mga estudyante, kaguruan, alumni at non-teaching personnel. Dagdag pa, nilalaman din ang proseso ng pagtataas ng matrikula, ma-pribado o pampublikong paaralan man. [2]
Mapapansin na walang tuition cap o limitasyon sa pagtaas ng matrikula, kung kaya’t malaya ang administrasyon ng mga paaralan na itaas ang kanilang singil. Mapapansin din na hindi sakop ng naturang batas ang miscellaneous fees at iba pang bayarin kung kaya’t ito ang nagbigay pahintulot sa mga may-ari ng paaaralan na itaas ng singil sa mga iba pang bayarin. Halimbawa na nga ang St. Scholastica’s College:
Miscellanours Fees (A.Y. 2004 - 2005)
Source: CHED-OSS
Item
Average Cost
Average % of hike
Registration
P 263.84
14.22
Library
P 300.66
15.94
Medical/Dental
P 156.76
12.64
Athletics
P 136.45
16.14
Audio Visual
P 227.67
12.74
Guidance
P 179.35
12.48
Laboratory
P 592.59
13.13
NSTP
P 322.20
15.92
ID
P 118.12
28.67
Kung makikita, nakabawi na rin ang administrasyon ng paaaralan sa mga iba pang bayarin.
Ngunit ayon kay Ms. Rizza Ramirez, presidente ng National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), hindi lamang pagtataas ng singil ang naisagawa. Sumulpot din ang mga iba’t ibang bayarin tulad ng accreditation fee ng Technological Institute of the Philippines (TIP), pre-registration fee ng Acquinas University sa Albay, at iba pa. [3]
Habang noong 2007, ipinatupad ang CMO No. 14 na siyang nagtatalaga ng pagkakaroon ng tuiton cap. Ayon sa Seksyon 8 ng batas, agarang papayagan ang pagtaas ng matrikula at iba pang bayarin kung hindi ito tataas sa nangingibabaw na inflation rate. Ngunit kung matrikulang itataas ay mas mataas sa inflation rate, dapat magkaroon ng konsultasyon sa komite o stakeholders. Masasabing nagkaroon ng regulasyon sa pagtaas ng matrikula. Ngunit ang pagtaas ng iba pang bayarin ay hindi pa rin sakop ng batas. [4]
Ngunit dahil sa iba’t ibang presyur mula sa mga pribadong eskuwelahan, tulad ng organisasyong Coordinating Council of Private Educational Associations (COCOPEA)[5], itinaas ang CMO No. 14 at ibinalik ang CMO No. 13 kasama ang CMO No.16 noong 2008. Makikita na malaya na muli ang administrasyon ng mga paaralan na taasan ang singil hindi lamang sa matrikula ngunit maging sa mga ibang bayarin din.
Ayon kay CHED Deputy Executive Director Julito Vitriolo, naniniwala siyang mula 8 hanggang 10% lamang ang itaas ng mga matrikula kahit na nawala na ang tuition cap. Dagdag pa niya, bumaba ang enrollment sa pribadong paaralan na mula sa 85% na naging 60% na lamang, dahil naglipatan sa mga State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) dahil sa mas mura ng matrikula. [6] Sa ganitong argumento ng isang opisyal na galing sa gobyerno, makikita na tila nakakalimutan nila na ang edukasyon ay isang karapatan hindi isang pribilehiyo at batayang bilihin (basic commodity). Ang batas na kanilang ipinatutupad ay hindi angkop sa sitwasyon ng bansa, na tila mayroong pinapanigang iilang tao.
Ngunit kung makikita, nagkaroon din mga pagtataas ng matrikula ang mga unibersidad. Narito ang 300% na pagtaas ng matrikula sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas na ipinatupad noong 2007. Narito rin ang 9% (general avearge) na pagtaas ng matrikula sa Jose Rizal University na ipinatupad nitong 2008. [7]
Ang mga nabanggit ay ilan lamang sa halimbawang pasakit ng maling batas na sa bansa ay ipinaiiral. Mga batas na mayroong kinikilingan, para sa interes ng mga iilang uri. Kung kaya’t nagkakaroon ang mga aktibista na siyang ipinaglalaban hindi lamang ang karapatan ng mga estudyante maging ng buong sambayanan. Karapatan ang edukasyon hindi isang pribilehiyo!
References:
Galvez, James Konstantin. CHED: no tuition hike this year, enrollment dipping. http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/may/08/yehey/metro/20080508met6.html
http://www.ceap.org.ph/presidents_report_2007.php
PNA. Tuition Fee may increase 8 to 10 percent –CHED. http://www.positivenewsmedia.net/am2/publish/Education_20/Tuition _fee_may_increse_8_to_10_percent_--_CHED.shtml
Ramota,Carl Marc. Tuition hike freeze? CHEd must be joking. http://www.bulatlat.com/news/5-16/5-16-ched_printer.html
Statutes:
Batas Pambansa Blg. 232
CHEd Memorandum Order No. 13
CHEd Memorandum Order No. 14
CHEd Memorandum Order No. 16
[1] Batas Pambansa Blg. 232
[2] CHEd Memorandum Order No. 13
[3] Ramota, http://www.bulatlat.com/news/5-16/5-16-ched_printer.html
[4] CHEd Memorandum Order No. 14
[5] http://www.ceap.org.ph/presidents_report_2007.php
[6] Galvez, http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/may/08/yehey/metro/20080508met6.html
[7] PNA, http://www.positivenewsmedia.net/am2/publish/Education_20/Tuition _fee_may_increse_8_to_10_percent_--_CHED.shtml
Sunday, August 24, 2008
Friday, August 22, 2008
aug. 22, truth fest
kanina, kasama ako sa paghahanap para sa katotohanan. ngunit tila habang ako ay andun, nagpapakasaya lamang ang mga tao.tila walang katotohanang ating hinihintay ang naganap. concert lamang pala ang aking napuntahan. ngunit kung sa katotohanan lamang, wala.
kapit tuko si GMA sa kanyang posisyon. kung kaya't hindi lamang paghahanap sa katotohanan ang kailngan. nariyan na, malinaw nang sumasambulat sa ating mga pagmumukha ang lahat ng katotohanan. sa mga presyo ng bilihin, sa mukha ng mga batang lansangan, sa lahat. lahat ng ating nakikita ang tunay na katotohanan! ang paghahanap sa katotohanan ay gasgas na. kinakailngan na lamang ng ating pagkilos upang makamit ang tunay at karampatang demokrasya para sa lahat!
kapit tuko si GMA sa kanyang posisyon. kung kaya't hindi lamang paghahanap sa katotohanan ang kailngan. nariyan na, malinaw nang sumasambulat sa ating mga pagmumukha ang lahat ng katotohanan. sa mga presyo ng bilihin, sa mukha ng mga batang lansangan, sa lahat. lahat ng ating nakikita ang tunay na katotohanan! ang paghahanap sa katotohanan ay gasgas na. kinakailngan na lamang ng ating pagkilos upang makamit ang tunay at karampatang demokrasya para sa lahat!
ninoy aquino
kahapon,ginunita ng buong bansa ang ika-25 napagkamatay ni Ninoy Aquino.
oo. maraming nagpupunyagi sa kanyang katapangan at kagitingan upang makamatam ng mamamayang Pilipino ang tunay na demokarasya.
sa aking tingin, tunay nga bang demokrasya ang tinatamasa ng ating bansa? marahil ang mas mainam na itawag ay nakalaya ang bansa mula sa dikatatudang, pasista at tutang si Marcos. ngunit kung tunay na demokarasya lamang ang pinag-uusapan,masasabi kong hindi pa natin ito hanggang ngayon ay nakakamtan.
isa pa.marahil nagpapasalamat tayo sa pamilya ni Ninoy dahil sa kanyang kabayanihan. ngunit hindi ba'tito lamang ay bunsod ng mga burgis na pag-iisip ng tao kung kaya't siya ay napatay? tunya nga bang sa kanyang pagkamatay hinangad niya ang tunay na kalayaan at demokrasya ng bansa?o hindi naman kaya, minsa'y ninais din niyang maluklok at makuha ang posisyon at kapangyarihang tinatamasa ni Ninoy noon? tilakabalintunaan.
oo. maraming nagpupunyagi sa kanyang katapangan at kagitingan upang makamatam ng mamamayang Pilipino ang tunay na demokarasya.
sa aking tingin, tunay nga bang demokrasya ang tinatamasa ng ating bansa? marahil ang mas mainam na itawag ay nakalaya ang bansa mula sa dikatatudang, pasista at tutang si Marcos. ngunit kung tunay na demokarasya lamang ang pinag-uusapan,masasabi kong hindi pa natin ito hanggang ngayon ay nakakamtan.
isa pa.marahil nagpapasalamat tayo sa pamilya ni Ninoy dahil sa kanyang kabayanihan. ngunit hindi ba'tito lamang ay bunsod ng mga burgis na pag-iisip ng tao kung kaya't siya ay napatay? tunya nga bang sa kanyang pagkamatay hinangad niya ang tunay na kalayaan at demokrasya ng bansa?o hindi naman kaya, minsa'y ninais din niyang maluklok at makuha ang posisyon at kapangyarihang tinatamasa ni Ninoy noon? tilakabalintunaan.
Saturday, August 16, 2008
kasagutan
imperyalismong U.S.
yan yan ang dahilan ng lahat.
kahirapan. kagutuman. eksploytasyon.
ngunit karamihan kay Juan, agn tingin mababait at tagapaligtas ang mga Amerikano.
sa aking palagay HINDI!
matutong maging mapanuri at huwag magbulag-bulagan.
hindi lahat ng mga isinusubo sa iyo at dapat mong kainin at lunukin.
HUWAG.
ikamamatay mo ang iyong ginagawa.
matuto kang makibagay. iyan ang kanilang utos.
SUSUNOD ka na lamang ba? isa ka bang tuta tulad ni GMA?
mag-isip!
sumali!
makilahok!
walang mawawala sa iyo bagkus lalo mong maiintindihana ng lahat ng bagay. ;)
yan yan ang dahilan ng lahat.
kahirapan. kagutuman. eksploytasyon.
ngunit karamihan kay Juan, agn tingin mababait at tagapaligtas ang mga Amerikano.
sa aking palagay HINDI!
matutong maging mapanuri at huwag magbulag-bulagan.
hindi lahat ng mga isinusubo sa iyo at dapat mong kainin at lunukin.
HUWAG.
ikamamatay mo ang iyong ginagawa.
matuto kang makibagay. iyan ang kanilang utos.
SUSUNOD ka na lamang ba? isa ka bang tuta tulad ni GMA?
mag-isip!
sumali!
makilahok!
walang mawawala sa iyo bagkus lalo mong maiintindihana ng lahat ng bagay. ;)
Wednesday, August 13, 2008
mag-kaisa
lumipas na namanang mga araw, ngunit mukang ramdam na ramdam ni Juan ang kahangalan. ramdam daw ang kaunlaran ngunit kung tutuusin patuloy pa rin ang walang humpay na pagtaas ng presyo ng langis at ang pagbuntot ng pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin.
nakapagtataka lamang, tila walang ginagawa si Juan. pagtitiis, yan ang sabi ng karamihan. pagtitiyaga, yan ang utos o payo nila. ngunit kung patuloy tayong nagpapakahon, sunod-sunuran sa kanilang mga sinsabi, wala na rin tayong pinagkaiba kay Gloria na tuta ng imperyalsitang U.S. masasabing kung partai na lamang natin iniisip ang ating mga pansariling interes, at nakikinabang mula sa kapwa, wala tayong pinagkaiba sa mga pamagsamantala.
samantalahin natin ang ating mga pagkakataon. hindi natin ito dapat sinasayang, maging obhektibo at optimisko. ang pagiging negatibo ng ating mga pag-iisip ang siyang nag-aalinsunod sa ating sa pagiging tuta at pagtangkilik sa imperyalistang U.S.
maging bukas sa mga bagay. dahil ito ang tunay na kaalaman. ang tunay na intelektuwal ay hindi nagpapakulong sa mundong kanyang ginagalawan. hindi natin dapat tintali ang ating mga sarili sa mga bagay na kung tutuusin ay kayang-kayang masupil.
magkaisa. ang sama-samang adhikain at pagkilos ng ating mamamayan ay kinakailangan. gumising ka! ipagtanggol ang karapatan! isulong ang pambasang demokrasya!
nakapagtataka lamang, tila walang ginagawa si Juan. pagtitiis, yan ang sabi ng karamihan. pagtitiyaga, yan ang utos o payo nila. ngunit kung patuloy tayong nagpapakahon, sunod-sunuran sa kanilang mga sinsabi, wala na rin tayong pinagkaiba kay Gloria na tuta ng imperyalsitang U.S. masasabing kung partai na lamang natin iniisip ang ating mga pansariling interes, at nakikinabang mula sa kapwa, wala tayong pinagkaiba sa mga pamagsamantala.
samantalahin natin ang ating mga pagkakataon. hindi natin ito dapat sinasayang, maging obhektibo at optimisko. ang pagiging negatibo ng ating mga pag-iisip ang siyang nag-aalinsunod sa ating sa pagiging tuta at pagtangkilik sa imperyalistang U.S.
maging bukas sa mga bagay. dahil ito ang tunay na kaalaman. ang tunay na intelektuwal ay hindi nagpapakulong sa mundong kanyang ginagalawan. hindi natin dapat tintali ang ating mga sarili sa mga bagay na kung tutuusin ay kayang-kayang masupil.
magkaisa. ang sama-samang adhikain at pagkilos ng ating mamamayan ay kinakailangan. gumising ka! ipagtanggol ang karapatan! isulong ang pambasang demokrasya!
Thursday, July 31, 2008
ramdam na ramdam ang kahirapan
marahil, masasabing sa bawat pagkilos mayroong tagumpay na nakakamit. ngunit kung sa esensya hindi pa ito sapat. mahirap.
ang krisis ng ekonmiya na nararanasan sa ating bansa ang siyang pangunahing dahilan ng ating kahirapan. ang mamamayan ay nagtitiis na pumila sa kabila ng init ng araw makakuha lamang ng 1 kilong bigas ng NFA. habang ang iba naman ay hindi na nakapapasok dahil sa kawalan ng pera pantustos sa pag-aaral, tuition anfd other fee increases, o sadyang huminto na dahil napilitang magtrabaho na lamang. ang iba ay namamatay dala ng kagutuman, kalamidad o kaya ay sa sakit. kung natutugunan lamang ang mga simpleng bagay na ito ng ating gobyerno, marahil masasabi nating na nararamdaman natin ang kaunlaran.
ngunit sa kabila ng bagyong Frank na kumital sa 650 na buhay ng ating kabababayn, kasama na dito ang paglubog ng MV Princess of the Stars, nasaan ang si GMA? nasa Amerika siya, kasama ng 74 junketeers na nagpapakasasa at nilulustay ang humigit-kumulang $ 1.5M! kung isinasabansa ang presyo ng langis at ang pagtanggal sa oil deregulation law, masasabi nating nararamdaamn na natin ang kaunlaran. ang pagtaas ng presyo ng langis ang siyang nagbubunsod sa pagtaas ng presyo ng iba pang bilihin. ilan lamang ito sa manipestasyon na nararamdaman nating kahirapan. bunsod ito ng pagiging at pananatiling tuta at puppet ng ating administrasyon sa imperyalsiatng U.S.
ang krisis ng ekonmiya na nararanasan sa ating bansa ang siyang pangunahing dahilan ng ating kahirapan. ang mamamayan ay nagtitiis na pumila sa kabila ng init ng araw makakuha lamang ng 1 kilong bigas ng NFA. habang ang iba naman ay hindi na nakapapasok dahil sa kawalan ng pera pantustos sa pag-aaral, tuition anfd other fee increases, o sadyang huminto na dahil napilitang magtrabaho na lamang. ang iba ay namamatay dala ng kagutuman, kalamidad o kaya ay sa sakit. kung natutugunan lamang ang mga simpleng bagay na ito ng ating gobyerno, marahil masasabi nating na nararamdaman natin ang kaunlaran.
ngunit sa kabila ng bagyong Frank na kumital sa 650 na buhay ng ating kabababayn, kasama na dito ang paglubog ng MV Princess of the Stars, nasaan ang si GMA? nasa Amerika siya, kasama ng 74 junketeers na nagpapakasasa at nilulustay ang humigit-kumulang $ 1.5M! kung isinasabansa ang presyo ng langis at ang pagtanggal sa oil deregulation law, masasabi nating nararamdaamn na natin ang kaunlaran. ang pagtaas ng presyo ng langis ang siyang nagbubunsod sa pagtaas ng presyo ng iba pang bilihin. ilan lamang ito sa manipestasyon na nararamdaman nating kahirapan. bunsod ito ng pagiging at pananatiling tuta at puppet ng ating administrasyon sa imperyalsiatng U.S.
Thursday, July 3, 2008
forum1
nagkaroon ng forum kahapon at ang pangunahing speiker ay si Mr. Jun Lozada. mahusay. kinakailangang kumilos kung gusto ng pagbabago.
ang sakit
ang sakit.
gusto ko ng pagbabago. ngunit marahil mali ang aking pagtingin sa mga bagay-bagay upang kagyatan ang mga ito. marahil kelangan ko ngang makiayon sa kanila na siyang aking pinaghuhugutan ng lakas. marahil.. ngunit paminsan-minsan hindi daapt parati ang paraan. mahirap maisawari ang mga bagay. mahirap ngunit kailangang kagyatan!
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